TSU helmsman Huang Chu-wen 台聯領航人：黃主文 2001-10-13 / Staff Reporter / By Huang Cheng-yuan (黃政淵) Of all the great variables in the legislative elections at the end of the year , none is larger than the birth of the Taiwan Solidarity Union, or TSU. Led by former minister of the interior, Huang Chu-wen, a man who held the banner of localization high, reveres former president Lee Teng-hui as the father of Taiw an, and has as his party platform the sixteen-character slogan: "stabilize the political situation, consolidate democracy, invigorate the economy, and stren gthen Taiwan." After the KMT formerly revoked former president Lee's party mem bership because he was stumping for the TSU's candidates, the issue of how the TSU, supported by Lee and led by Huang, should approach this election, became a focal point not only for the media, but also for all the other political pa rties. Huang, who started out as a not particularly dazzling politician from t he KMT's "middle generation," has now, thanks to his new duties as TSU chairma n, started a new chapter of his political career. 年底立委選舉最大的變數，莫過於台灣團結聯盟的誕生。由前內政部長黃主文所領導的台 聯，高舉本土化大纛，尊奉前總統李登輝為台灣之父，並提出「穩定政局、鞏固民主、振 興經濟、壯大台灣」十六字綱領。在國民黨正式因李前總統為台聯候選人站台而撤銷其黨 籍後，李前總統支持、黃主文領導的台聯將會如何打這場選戰，不僅是媒體的焦點，更是 各黨派關切的問題。原本在國民黨中生代政治人物中並不特別耀眼的黃主文，也因為擔任 台聯黨主席而開啟了其政治生命的新頁。 Huang Chu-wen was born in Chiayi, into a family that had been farming for gene rations. Although his family was poor, and he had to sell ice lollies and pick rice after class to help his family make ends meet, Huang always got excellen t marks at school. He studied hard, and passed the exam for National Taiwan Un iversity's Law Faculty, where he first met the woman who was later to become h is wife. After graduation, Huang passed the exams to become a member of the ju diciary, and became a prosecutor for the Taoyuan District Court. As a result, Taoyuan became his second hometown, and the starting point for his political l ife. 黃主文出身於嘉義，世代務農。雖然家境清寒，課餘必須賣冰棒、拾稻穗以貼補家用，黃 主文仍然維持其優異的成績。勤奮苦讀的他後來考上台大法律系，並在台大結識了後來的 妻子。大學畢業後，黃主文考上司法官，擔任桃園地方法院檢察官，因此桃園成為他第二 個故鄉，也成為其政治生命的起點。 During his career as a prosecutor, Huang made clear distinctions between right and wrong in handling cases, and was enthusiastic about helping people, and s o he became well-liked in the Taoyuan region, and had good relations with peop le in political and educational circles, as well as those involved in farmers' associations and water conservancy groups. When Huang subsequently changed ca reer track and became the chairman of a construction company, his connections became even more extensive. In 1982, he was elected legislator for Taoyuan, th e first step of his political career, and he comfortably elected for five cons ecutive terms. 任職檢察官期間，黃主文辦案是非分明且熱心助人，因此在桃園地區廣結善緣，與政界、 教育界、農會及水利會系統關係良好，爾後轉換跑道擔任建築公司董事長，其人脈更廣泛 延伸至各階層。1982年，他在桃園投入立法委員選舉，邁開其政治生涯的第一步，之後順 利連任五任立委。 During his career as legislator, Huang worked hard to get the Hakka and Hokkie n-speaking population of Taoyuan (around 50% of all residents) to abandon thei r preconceptions, and worked to get residents of "military villages" (settleme nts of old KMT soldiers and their families) and native Taiwanese from southern and central Taiwan who had moved north to Taoyuan to get "ethnic integration" going. At the same time, Huang was not only spurring on the formation of a gr oup of people with the family name Huang, and establishing the scope of what i s today the "Huang Family Association," he put even more effort into promoting the establishment of a hometown association for people originally from Chiayi currently residing in Taoyuan, and gradually set up hometown associations for Taoyuan residents hailing from other counties and cities. It's clear from all this that Huang cared deeply about regional organizations, and establishing a strong electoral base. 在立委生涯期間，黃主文極力提倡占桃園人口約各半的閩南人、客家人應捐棄成見，與眷 村人口及中南部旅桃鄉親「族群融合」。同時，黃主文推展組織工作不遺餘力，除了促成 黃姓宗親團結，建立起今天黃姓宗親會的規模，他更推展嘉義旅桃同鄉會成立，並漸漸逐 一成立其他縣市旅桃同鄉會。由此可見黃主文厚植地方組織，建立選舉能量的實力。 Yet the incident which made the deepest impression on the people of Taiwan was Huang's establishing of the "Collective Wisdom Society," a localization facti on of legislators. The Collective Wisdom Society aimed at strengthening Lee Te ng-hui's leadership core, and advocated re-election of the entire legislature and direct presidential elections. In 1992, before the first wholesale re-elec tion of the legislature, the Collective Wisdom Society represented Lee Teng-hu i's KMT localization faction, and those in the KMT who were opposed to Lee Ten g-hui were represented in the legislature by the mainland-born "non-mainstream faction" called the "New KMT Alliance" (in 1993 this faction withdrew from th e KMT to form the New Party). The origins of Huang Chu-wen's role as defender of Lee Teng-hui's path can be traced back to this. But when James Soong won Le e Teng-hui's trust and took up the post of secretary general of the KMT, Soong did his utmost to suppress the members of the Collective Wisdom Society, and anyway most of these members were not re-elected to the legislature, so the so ciety was consigned to the history books. From this point on, relations betwee n Huang and Soong grew ever frostier. 但是黃主文立委最令國人印象深刻的事件是成立本土派立委次級團體「集思會」。「集思 會」以鞏固李登輝的領導中心為目標，主張國會全面改選與總統直選。在1992年國會首度 全面改選之前，「集思會」代表了擁李登輝的國民黨本土主流派，在國會中對抗代表反李 的國民黨外省「非主流派」勢力的「新國民黨連線」（於1993年退出國民黨成立新黨）。 黃主文擔任李登輝路線的捍衛者的淵源即可追溯至此。但是在宋楚瑜贏得李登輝信任並接 掌國民黨秘書長之後，宋極力打壓「集思會」成員，再加上大部分成員均未能繼續連任立 委，使得「集思會」成為歷史名詞。黃主文與宋楚瑜也從此結下樑子。 In February 1998, while serving a term as legislator, Huang joined the cabinet as minister of the interior, Lee Teng-hui having recognized his worth. As a r esult, the people of Taiwan were able to see his bravery in undertaking his of ficial duties, and his unstinting efforts in every aspect. Huang admitted as m uch, saying that his only idea of fun was "just work." He not only put his all into his working hours, he even spent weekends and holidays visiting social w elfare organizations, or at police stations, listening to what policemen at th e most basic and local levels had to say. 1998年二月於立委任期內，由於表現獲得李前總統賞識，黃主文入閣擔任內政部長。國人 因此看到其擔任政務官勇於任事，勤奮不懈的一面。黃主文唯一的嗜好據他表示「就是工 作」。除了上班時間全心投入公務，就連星期假日也到社會福利機構去訪問，或是到警政 機構去聆聽基層員警的心聲。 However, the two legacies of Huang's time as minister which people talk about the most are the 1998 "streamline the Province" movement and the disaster reli ef activities following 1999's 921 earthquake. These are what established his nationwide fame. 然而，黃主文在部長任內最令人津津樂道的兩件事蹟就是1998年的「精省」與1999年的九 二一大地震救災行動。這兩件事蹟亦建立起他全國性的知名度。 "Streamlining the Province" could well be said to be the breaking of the polit ical storm between Lee Teng-hui and James Soong, who was at the time the first democratically-elected provincial governor. The Ministry of the Interior, wit h responsibility for local government affairs, was the first to bear the brunt , and Huang repeatedly led the vanguard for the Lee Teng-hui line, and began t he arduous work of taking away the jobs of the 140,000 personnel of the provin cial government. The backlash from Soong's staff and supporters meant that the "Streamline the Province Statute" received by the Legislative Yuan and the st aff of the Provincial Government became a "mission: impossible," and put great pressure on Huang himself. At one point he even threatened resignation. But H uang's persistent character and his political finesse repeatedly helped him to overcome difficult situations, and he succeeded in implementing the streamlin ing of the Provincial Government. 「精省」可謂是李登輝與當時擔任首任民選省長宋楚瑜決裂的一場政治風暴。而主管地方 政府事務的內政部首當其衝，黃主文再度肩負起李登輝路線的急先鋒，開始進行將有十四 萬名員工的省政府虛級化的艱鉅工程。在宋系人馬與省府員工的強力反彈聲浪之下，讓立 法院和省府員工接受「精省條例」成為不可能的任務，也對黃主文產生巨大的壓力，他一 度甚至揚言掛冠求去。但是黃主文的堅韌性格與政治手腕再度讓他度過難關，成功地推動 精省方案的實施。 The 921 earthquake was a severe test to Huang, who as minister of the interior was responsible for the network of nationwide emergency and relief services. Huang's response to this earthquake, of a magnitude seen perhaps once in a cen tury, was to be totally involved, from the beginning when he coordinated natio nwide forces to come to the rescue of the people in the disaster area, to reco nstruction of the stricken areas and resettling of the disaster victims, and h e can truly be said to have given his all to these tasks. 九二一集集大地震則再次給了主掌全國消防救災體系的內政部長黃主文一次嚴峻的考驗。 這場百年難得一見的大地震，黃主文從一開始的緊急應變，協調全國力量援救災民，到受 災地區重建的規劃與災民的安置，全程參與，可謂是摩頂放踵、竭盡心力。 After the transfer of power last year, Huang took a short leave of absence fro m politics, taking up his old profession again, and jointly starting the Wan L u Lien Ho Law Office with friends. But in the last year, he kept saw the KMT's approach towards issues such as the "Working Hours Bill," the "Bill to Recall the President," the "relaxing of 'no haste, be patient'" and the "Pro-Blue Al liance," all of which run counter to the Lee Teng-hui line. He felt that the K MT under Lien Chan's leadership had already swerved off the "Taiwan First" loc alization path that former president Lee had advocated for 12 years. And so, o n August 12 this year, Huang Chu-wen formally established the pro-Lee politica l group which had already been in existence for many years, and was himself ch osen to be the first party chairman, once again taking up command to defend th e Lee Teng-hui line, and marking a turning point in his own political career. 去年政黨輪替之後，黃主文暫離政壇，重操舊業，與朋友共同開設「萬律聯合法律事務所 」。但是年來眼見國民黨在「工時案」、「總統罷免案」、「戒急用忍鬆綁」與「泛藍軍 結盟」等議題上，都違背了李登輝路線。他認為國民黨在連戰領導下已經偏離李前總統主 政十二年來提倡的「台灣優先」本土路線。因此，今年八月十二日，黃主文籌組已久的親 李政團正式成立，他並獲推舉為首任黨主席，再次擔任保衛李登輝路線的大將，也將自己 的政治生命帶到新的轉捩點。 The politicos of the old "non-mainstream faction" have all stood up to critici ze the TSU for staging a comeback of "big business black-gold power," and usin g "localization" as a tool to drive a wedge between different ethnic groups. T he ruling DPP has expressed concern that the TSU will carve up the DPP vote, a nd has watched dispassionately from the sidelines as the TSU has publicly advo cated helping to stabilize the DPP's political situation. Without support from other political parties, the advantage of previous ruling experience, or huge party resources such as the KMT have access to, the year-end elections will b e a grim challenge to the TSU and to Huang himself. An admirer of Hu Shi and Z en philosophy, how will Huang lead the TSU to win the 5 percent vote threshold necessary to be a political party? His character is one of restraint and self -control, and he is rich in political experience. How will he interact with ot her party leaders once the elections are over? We will watch with bated breath to see whether or not he can repeatedly and successfully defend the Lee Teng- hui line and once again scale the lofty peaks of his political career. 昔日「非主流派」的政治人物，現在砲口一致批評台聯為「財團黑金力量」復辟，利用「 本土化」作為分化族群的工具。而執政的民進黨則擔憂台聯將瓜分其票源，對主張協助其 穩固政局的台聯冷眼旁觀。在缺乏其他政黨奧援，執政優勢，或是如國民黨龐大的黨產資 源的情況下，年底選舉對台聯或是黃主文都是嚴峻的挑戰。崇拜胡適、飽讀禪學的黃主文 要如何帶領台聯在這次選舉中跨過百分之五選票的政黨門檻？個性內斂、政治歷練豐富的 他，選後又將如何與各政黨領袖互動？這一次，他是不是能再度成功捍衛李登輝路線，再 創政治生涯高峰，有待我們密切的觀察。 Translated by Elizabeth Hoile/何麗薩翻譯 http://www.etaiwannews.com/Focus/2001/10/13/1002949304.htm --

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