TSU helmsman Huang Chu-wen 台联领航人：黄主文 2001-10-13 / Staff Reporter / By Huang Cheng-yuan (黄政渊) Of all the great variables in the legislative elections at the end of the year , none is larger than the birth of the Taiwan Solidarity Union, or TSU. Led by former minister of the interior, Huang Chu-wen, a man who held the banner of localization high, reveres former president Lee Teng-hui as the father of Taiw an, and has as his party platform the sixteen-character slogan: "stabilize the political situation, consolidate democracy, invigorate the economy, and stren gthen Taiwan." After the KMT formerly revoked former president Lee's party mem bership because he was stumping for the TSU's candidates, the issue of how the TSU, supported by Lee and led by Huang, should approach this election, became a focal point not only for the media, but also for all the other political pa rties. Huang, who started out as a not particularly dazzling politician from t he KMT's "middle generation," has now, thanks to his new duties as TSU chairma n, started a new chapter of his political career. 年底立委选举最大的变数，莫过於台湾团结联盟的诞生。由前内政部长黄主文所领导的台 联，高举本土化大纛，尊奉前总统李登辉为台湾之父，并提出「稳定政局、巩固民主、振 兴经济、壮大台湾」十六字纲领。在国民党正式因李前总统为台联候选人站台而撤销其党 籍後，李前总统支持、黄主文领导的台联将会如何打这场选战，不仅是媒体的焦点，更是 各党派关切的问题。原本在国民党中生代政治人物中并不特别耀眼的黄主文，也因为担任 台联党主席而开启了其政治生命的新页。 Huang Chu-wen was born in Chiayi, into a family that had been farming for gene rations. Although his family was poor, and he had to sell ice lollies and pick rice after class to help his family make ends meet, Huang always got excellen t marks at school. He studied hard, and passed the exam for National Taiwan Un iversity's Law Faculty, where he first met the woman who was later to become h is wife. After graduation, Huang passed the exams to become a member of the ju diciary, and became a prosecutor for the Taoyuan District Court. As a result, Taoyuan became his second hometown, and the starting point for his political l ife. 黄主文出身於嘉义，世代务农。虽然家境清寒，课余必须卖冰棒、拾稻穗以贴补家用，黄 主文仍然维持其优异的成绩。勤奋苦读的他後来考上台大法律系，并在台大结识了後来的 妻子。大学毕业後，黄主文考上司法官，担任桃园地方法院检察官，因此桃园成为他第二 个故乡，也成为其政治生命的起点。 During his career as a prosecutor, Huang made clear distinctions between right and wrong in handling cases, and was enthusiastic about helping people, and s o he became well-liked in the Taoyuan region, and had good relations with peop le in political and educational circles, as well as those involved in farmers' associations and water conservancy groups. When Huang subsequently changed ca reer track and became the chairman of a construction company, his connections became even more extensive. In 1982, he was elected legislator for Taoyuan, th e first step of his political career, and he comfortably elected for five cons ecutive terms. 任职检察官期间，黄主文办案是非分明且热心助人，因此在桃园地区广结善缘，与政界、 教育界、农会及水利会系统关系良好，尔後转换跑道担任建筑公司董事长，其人脉更广泛 延伸至各阶层。1982年，他在桃园投入立法委员选举，迈开其政治生涯的第一步，之後顺 利连任五任立委。 During his career as legislator, Huang worked hard to get the Hakka and Hokkie n-speaking population of Taoyuan (around 50% of all residents) to abandon thei r preconceptions, and worked to get residents of "military villages" (settleme nts of old KMT soldiers and their families) and native Taiwanese from southern and central Taiwan who had moved north to Taoyuan to get "ethnic integration" going. At the same time, Huang was not only spurring on the formation of a gr oup of people with the family name Huang, and establishing the scope of what i s today the "Huang Family Association," he put even more effort into promoting the establishment of a hometown association for people originally from Chiayi currently residing in Taoyuan, and gradually set up hometown associations for Taoyuan residents hailing from other counties and cities. It's clear from all this that Huang cared deeply about regional organizations, and establishing a strong electoral base. 在立委生涯期间，黄主文极力提倡占桃园人口约各半的闽南人、客家人应捐弃成见，与眷 村人口及中南部旅桃乡亲「族群融合」。同时，黄主文推展组织工作不遗余力，除了促成 黄姓宗亲团结，建立起今天黄姓宗亲会的规模，他更推展嘉义旅桃同乡会成立，并渐渐逐 一成立其他县市旅桃同乡会。由此可见黄主文厚植地方组织，建立选举能量的实力。 Yet the incident which made the deepest impression on the people of Taiwan was Huang's establishing of the "Collective Wisdom Society," a localization facti on of legislators. The Collective Wisdom Society aimed at strengthening Lee Te ng-hui's leadership core, and advocated re-election of the entire legislature and direct presidential elections. In 1992, before the first wholesale re-elec tion of the legislature, the Collective Wisdom Society represented Lee Teng-hu i's KMT localization faction, and those in the KMT who were opposed to Lee Ten g-hui were represented in the legislature by the mainland-born "non-mainstream faction" called the "New KMT Alliance" (in 1993 this faction withdrew from th e KMT to form the New Party). The origins of Huang Chu-wen's role as defender of Lee Teng-hui's path can be traced back to this. But when James Soong won Le e Teng-hui's trust and took up the post of secretary general of the KMT, Soong did his utmost to suppress the members of the Collective Wisdom Society, and anyway most of these members were not re-elected to the legislature, so the so ciety was consigned to the history books. From this point on, relations betwee n Huang and Soong grew ever frostier. 但是黄主文立委最令国人印象深刻的事件是成立本土派立委次级团体「集思会」。「集思 会」以巩固李登辉的领导中心为目标，主张国会全面改选与总统直选。在1992年国会首度 全面改选之前，「集思会」代表了拥李登辉的国民党本土主流派，在国会中对抗代表反李 的国民党外省「非主流派」势力的「新国民党连线」（於1993年退出国民党成立新党）。 黄主文担任李登辉路线的扞卫者的渊源即可追溯至此。但是在宋楚瑜赢得李登辉信任并接 掌国民党秘书长之後，宋极力打压「集思会」成员，再加上大部分成员均未能继续连任立 委，使得「集思会」成为历史名词。黄主文与宋楚瑜也从此结下梁子。 In February 1998, while serving a term as legislator, Huang joined the cabinet as minister of the interior, Lee Teng-hui having recognized his worth. As a r esult, the people of Taiwan were able to see his bravery in undertaking his of ficial duties, and his unstinting efforts in every aspect. Huang admitted as m uch, saying that his only idea of fun was "just work." He not only put his all into his working hours, he even spent weekends and holidays visiting social w elfare organizations, or at police stations, listening to what policemen at th e most basic and local levels had to say. 1998年二月於立委任期内，由於表现获得李前总统赏识，黄主文入阁担任内政部长。国人 因此看到其担任政务官勇於任事，勤奋不懈的一面。黄主文唯一的嗜好据他表示「就是工 作」。除了上班时间全心投入公务，就连星期假日也到社会福利机构去访问，或是到警政 机构去聆听基层员警的心声。 However, the two legacies of Huang's time as minister which people talk about the most are the 1998 "streamline the Province" movement and the disaster reli ef activities following 1999's 921 earthquake. These are what established his nationwide fame. 然而，黄主文在部长任内最令人津津乐道的两件事蹟就是1998年的「精省」与1999年的九 二一大地震救灾行动。这两件事蹟亦建立起他全国性的知名度。 "Streamlining the Province" could well be said to be the breaking of the polit ical storm between Lee Teng-hui and James Soong, who was at the time the first democratically-elected provincial governor. The Ministry of the Interior, wit h responsibility for local government affairs, was the first to bear the brunt , and Huang repeatedly led the vanguard for the Lee Teng-hui line, and began t he arduous work of taking away the jobs of the 140,000 personnel of the provin cial government. The backlash from Soong's staff and supporters meant that the "Streamline the Province Statute" received by the Legislative Yuan and the st aff of the Provincial Government became a "mission: impossible," and put great pressure on Huang himself. At one point he even threatened resignation. But H uang's persistent character and his political finesse repeatedly helped him to overcome difficult situations, and he succeeded in implementing the streamlin ing of the Provincial Government. 「精省」可谓是李登辉与当时担任首任民选省长宋楚瑜决裂的一场政治风暴。而主管地方 政府事务的内政部首当其冲，黄主文再度肩负起李登辉路线的急先锋，开始进行将有十四 万名员工的省政府虚级化的艰钜工程。在宋系人马与省府员工的强力反弹声浪之下，让立 法院和省府员工接受「精省条例」成为不可能的任务，也对黄主文产生巨大的压力，他一 度甚至扬言挂冠求去。但是黄主文的坚韧性格与政治手腕再度让他度过难关，成功地推动 精省方案的实施。 The 921 earthquake was a severe test to Huang, who as minister of the interior was responsible for the network of nationwide emergency and relief services. Huang's response to this earthquake, of a magnitude seen perhaps once in a cen tury, was to be totally involved, from the beginning when he coordinated natio nwide forces to come to the rescue of the people in the disaster area, to reco nstruction of the stricken areas and resettling of the disaster victims, and h e can truly be said to have given his all to these tasks. 九二一集集大地震则再次给了主掌全国消防救灾体系的内政部长黄主文一次严峻的考验。 这场百年难得一见的大地震，黄主文从一开始的紧急应变，协调全国力量援救灾民，到受 灾地区重建的规划与灾民的安置，全程参与，可谓是摩顶放踵、竭尽心力。 After the transfer of power last year, Huang took a short leave of absence fro m politics, taking up his old profession again, and jointly starting the Wan L u Lien Ho Law Office with friends. But in the last year, he kept saw the KMT's approach towards issues such as the "Working Hours Bill," the "Bill to Recall the President," the "relaxing of 'no haste, be patient'" and the "Pro-Blue Al liance," all of which run counter to the Lee Teng-hui line. He felt that the K MT under Lien Chan's leadership had already swerved off the "Taiwan First" loc alization path that former president Lee had advocated for 12 years. And so, o n August 12 this year, Huang Chu-wen formally established the pro-Lee politica l group which had already been in existence for many years, and was himself ch osen to be the first party chairman, once again taking up command to defend th e Lee Teng-hui line, and marking a turning point in his own political career. 去年政党轮替之後，黄主文暂离政坛，重操旧业，与朋友共同开设「万律联合法律事务所 」。但是年来眼见国民党在「工时案」、「总统罢免案」、「戒急用忍松绑」与「泛蓝军 结盟」等议题上，都违背了李登辉路线。他认为国民党在连战领导下已经偏离李前总统主 政十二年来提倡的「台湾优先」本土路线。因此，今年八月十二日，黄主文筹组已久的亲 李政团正式成立，他并获推举为首任党主席，再次担任保卫李登辉路线的大将，也将自己 的政治生命带到新的转捩点。 The politicos of the old "non-mainstream faction" have all stood up to critici ze the TSU for staging a comeback of "big business black-gold power," and usin g "localization" as a tool to drive a wedge between different ethnic groups. T he ruling DPP has expressed concern that the TSU will carve up the DPP vote, a nd has watched dispassionately from the sidelines as the TSU has publicly advo cated helping to stabilize the DPP's political situation. Without support from other political parties, the advantage of previous ruling experience, or huge party resources such as the KMT have access to, the year-end elections will b e a grim challenge to the TSU and to Huang himself. An admirer of Hu Shi and Z en philosophy, how will Huang lead the TSU to win the 5 percent vote threshold necessary to be a political party? His character is one of restraint and self -control, and he is rich in political experience. How will he interact with ot her party leaders once the elections are over? We will watch with bated breath to see whether or not he can repeatedly and successfully defend the Lee Teng- hui line and once again scale the lofty peaks of his political career. 昔日「非主流派」的政治人物，现在炮口一致批评台联为「财团黑金力量」复辟，利用「 本土化」作为分化族群的工具。而执政的民进党则担忧台联将瓜分其票源，对主张协助其 稳固政局的台联冷眼旁观。在缺乏其他政党奥援，执政优势，或是如国民党庞大的党产资 源的情况下，年底选举对台联或是黄主文都是严峻的挑战。崇拜胡适、饱读禅学的黄主文 要如何带领台联在这次选举中跨过百分之五选票的政党门槛？个性内敛、政治历练丰富的 他，选後又将如何与各政党领袖互动？这一次，他是不是能再度成功扞卫李登辉路线，再 创政治生涯高峰，有待我们密切的观察。 Translated by Elizabeth Hoile/何丽萨翻译 http://www.etaiwannews.com/Focus/2001/10/13/1002949304.htm --

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