文章来源：媒抗--stone http://www.socialforce.org/phpBB/viewtopic.php?t=10453 祁夫润博士照片连结： http://albums.tomoro.net/Jerome/228/lowres/05450004_lr.jpg Democracy: Japan's Unexpected Legacy to Taiwan 民主-日本在无意间留给台湾的遗产 by Jerome F. Keating 作者﹕祁夫润博士 网址﹕ http://www.taiwanho.com/modules.php?op=modload&name=News&file=article&sid=217&mode=thread&order=0&thold=0 译者注﹕原文智慧财产权属祁夫润 Jerome F. Keating 博士. 祁夫润 - 作家兼教育学者并台湾女婿。已在台生活长达16年之久。 书籍着作包括与April C.J. Lin 林呈蓉博士合着的 ”激流中的岛屿- 实例研读台湾错综复杂的历史“ (Island in the Stream, a Quick Case Study of Taiwan’s Complex History)。 本文乃其评论台湾政治与2004总统大选系列的中文翻译第一篇。 其文章系列可见﹕http://zen.sandiego.edu:8080/Jerome 祁夫润先生很慷慨的允许石头翻译他所有有关台湾的文章。 我打算在外电园地特别为他开个专栏 (Keating’s Corner)﹐ 以分享大家。 原文: Hello Kitty, rock stars, comic books, fashion trends, you name it, and Taiwanese youth are entranced with things Japanese. Lost in all this glitter, however, is the much more valuable and often overlooked legacy from the past, democracy. 凯蒂猫﹐摇滚乐明星﹐漫画书﹐时尚走向﹐怎麽看都可说台湾青少年非常哈日。 然而﹐埋藏在如此璀灿光华里﹐往往被人忽视的﹐ 却是一段来自过去﹐更具价值的民主传承。 Democracy in Taiwan? Most point to the Kaohsiung Incident (1979) as the pivotal point in Taiwan‘s democratic movement and rightly so. At that time, those outside the party (the tangwai) protested for their rights of democratic expression and participation against the one party governmental monopoly of the Kuomintang (KMT). They were arrested, tried in kangaroo courts and jailed for their efforts but the doors of democracy were being forced open. The free democratic elections of 1996 would still be a long way off, but the outside world was finally beginning to realize the reality of the struggle in Taiwan. 只要一提到台湾的民主﹐大家通常会以1979年的高雄事件为台湾民主运动的转捩点﹐ 果其然也。当时党外为了争取民主诉求与政治参与权﹐与一党专政的国民党抗争。 他们被捕﹐被非法乱判﹐进而坐监﹐ 可是民主的大门却也因此而被迫开启。 当然﹐从那时起一直到1996年才有自由而民主的选举﹐ 这一段路终究还是走得长夜漫漫路迢遥﹐然而也让外界终於开始了解到台湾奋斗的真相。 Taiwan’s roots in democracy, however, go back much further, back beyond the start of Martial Law in 1949 and even beyond the infamous 2-28 Incident in 1947. The pursuit of democracy, free expression and representative participation had already been present in Taiwan in the late 19th century. 可是要探寻台湾民主的根源﹐ 却必须更往前推﹐ 不只要超越在1949年开始的戒严法﹐还要越过1947年恶名昭彰的二二八事件。 台湾早在19世纪末就已开始追求民主制度﹐言论自由及代议政治了。 In a broad sense one might make the case that Taiwan had always been a haven for those fleeing oppressive regimes whether from the Mainland or elsewhere. For centuries as this island fell under the flags of numerous countries, Taiwan took in all types, including pirates, entrepreneurs, and drifters as well as industrious people seeking a new start and a chance for a better life. The sense of Taiwanese consciousness and democracy, however, would come from the Japanese era. 广义言之﹐无论来自大陆或它处﹐台湾自古就可说是逃避鸦霸政权者的避难所。 几世纪来﹐台湾受人征服﹐所挂过的国旗跟本就数不胜数﹐ 无论是海盗商人飘摇游民或勤勉努力的人都好﹐ 凡是想重新开始寻求一个更美好的生活机会的人﹐台湾一向是照单全收。 然而所谓台湾意识与民主的觉醒﹐却肇基於日本时代。 Indirectly this Taiwanese consciousness began when the people slowly realized that the only ones who would really care for them would have to be themselves. When the Manchu Qing Empire lost its 1894-5 war with Japan, the people of Taiwan woke to learn from outside sources that they had been cast off like a stepchild along with the Pescadores (Penghu) and the Liaotung Peninsula to appease the victorious Japanese. Incensed they decided that if others would not help them, they would have to seek their own destiny. 台湾人逐渐明了到世界上除了他们自己以外﹐再无他人可依赖﹐ 这种心态间接促进了台湾意识的觉醒。 在清帝国於1894-1895年日清战争中打了败仗以後﹐ 台湾人什麽警告都没有﹐ 一觉醒来才发现自己就像个爹不疼娘不爱的拖油瓶﹐ 已经跟着澎湖及辽东半岛一起被丢出去以飨战胜的日本人。 他们气坏了﹐ 既然没人相助﹐ 不如自觅前程。 Up until that time the Hoklo, Hakka, and aborigines had fought for land among themselves and the Qing masters had maintained power over the western half of the island by playing one group against the other. This new outside threat made them see that they must fight together. 直到当时﹐闽客与原住民一向为了争夺土地而互相攻伐﹐ 而满清主子也一直藉挑拨族群以维系其在台岛西部的权力。 现在面对外来的新威胁﹐ 他们方才觉悟到非合作对外不可。 The Republic of Taiwan was formed in 1895 with its own flag, stamps and laws. To be sure there were mixed motivations and mixed ambitions of all those involved. The fat cat leaders who felt their bread was buttered by playing up to the Qing government fled to China at the first signs of the Japanese. The common people, however, who had a greater attachment to their land kept up the fight against the far more experienced and far better equipped Japanese army. 台湾共和国在1895年成立﹐旗帜邮票与法令兼备。 当然参与其事者并非完全毫无异心。 那些作威作福的领袖﹐一向就对清廷马首是瞻﹐ 一见日人立刻拔腿开溜逃回中国。 然而对土地怀有深厚感情的寻常大众﹐面对着经验十足装备精良的日军﹐ 却反而持久不断的进行抗争。 Naturally the Japanese won, but surprisingly they still gave any citizens who wished, two years to decide on whether to stay in Japan’s new colony or to return to China. Interestingly enough, few takers (less than 1 % of the population) chose to go back to China. 最後日本人当然赢了﹐不过令人惊讶的是他们仍然同意给每个公民两年的时间来决定﹐ 到底要待在日本的新殖民地呢﹐还是要回归中国。 很有趣的是居然只有极少数人(少於全人口的1%)选择回归中国。 At this point it is important to step back and see the clear democratic movement that had already been developing in Japan. Under the Meiji Restoration (1868-1912), Japan had begun in its own unified effort at westernization. 讲到这里﹐我们不能不回头探索一下此时在日本早已生根发芽的新民主运动。 日本在明治维新(1868-1912)时期就已开始全面西化。 The Japanese had chosen to follow the German and Austrian model of Parliament where the Monarch (Emperor for the Japanese) maintained great power. They had two parties and a cabinet system of government in the 1880s. By February 11, 1889 they had drawn up a Constitution (the Emperor’s gift to the people). The First Diet with a House of Peers and House of Representatives was elected and convened in 1890. The democratic experiment was on its way some time before Taiwan became a part of the Japanese Empire. 日本人在国会上选择德奥路线﹐皇室(日本天皇) 保有极大的权威。 在1880年代﹐他们走的是两党政治﹐并有内阁政府。 到了1889年2月11日﹐已经立了宪法﹐ 这是天皇送给人民的一个大礼。 包括了上议院与下议院的初期国会在1890年已完成选举并开始运作。 在台湾成为日本帝国成员之前﹐其民主实验早已开始。 With the acquisition of Taiwan in 1895, Japan sought to also have a model colony to showcase to the west. Ten years later by 1905, Taiwan had become Japan’s most valuable colony. Unlike under the Qing Dynasty where improvements were always “too little, too late” and each reform governor would leave before anything lasting or substantial was accomplished, the Japanese had come to stay. They developed the island industrially; they built up a solid infrastructure and brought in vastly needed health reforms. 日本在1895年收纳台湾後便积极建设其成为殖民地之楷模以对西方世界炫耀。 到了十年之後的1905﹐ 台湾已成日本最具价值的殖民地。 在清朝统治期间﹐ 无论什麽改善方案﹐ 要嘛不是给的太少﹐不然就是来得太慢﹐ 而且每回好不容易来了个愿意改革的省长﹐诸事都还尚未顺遂起步﹐ 就又奉召离台。 日本人可是不一样﹐他们要的是长治久安。 他们要让台湾工业化﹐成立了健全的内部系统﹐并开始从事非常必要的卫生改革。 When the Meiji Emperor died, Japan had moved into its Taisho period (1912—1926) and the sickly Crown Prince Yoshihito ascended the throne. The emperor’s health prevented active involvement making this a time of greater parliamentary development and democratic ideals. Progressive educational reform, experiments in socialism, and a wide range of liberal ideas became frequent topics of discussion at the universities and schools. 明治天皇死後﹐由健康不佳的皇太子嘉仁即位﹐日本进入大正天皇时代(1912-1926)。 天皇的身体不好无法全权视事﹐导致此时期在国会发展与民主理想方面的大盛。 在各大学及各级学校内﹐常在进行学术改革﹐社会主义式的实验﹐ 涉及各层面的广大自由理想更常成为讨论的话题。 By 1915 armed opposition in the colony of Taiwan had ceased and the people began to see that they had a better chance by working within the “harsh but fair” system of the Japanese. Taiwan’s more gifted youth now had a chance to receive advanced education in Japanese universities. There they were exposed to the free discussion of new and varied ideas that ranged from Marxism to a return to the samurai spirit to democracy. 到了1915年左右﹐台湾殖民地内的武装对抗已经绝迹﹐ 而日式系统“虽然严厉却也公平”﹐人民开始觉悟到不如与之合作以改善生活。 台湾资优青少年现在得以到日本大学接受高等教育。 在那里他们得以自由讨论广泛的话题﹐ 从马克思理论﹐到回归武士道精神﹐ 到民主主义﹐ 什麽都可以。 The Taisho period of democracy was known for its tolerance of diversity. The number of future leaders of Taiwan and even of China that were exposed to such discussions in Japan are impressive. Taiwan’s first two 1996 presidential contenders (Peng Ming-min and Lee Teng-hui) cut their teeth respectively in pre and post World War II Japan. Peng in his Taste of Freedom makes special mention of how he found himself treated more as an equal in Japan than in the colony of Taiwan. 大正时期的民主以对异议的容忍而着名。 不少台湾或甚至中国的未来领袖﹐ 都曾浸淫於如此活泼的讨论环境。 台湾在1996总统大选的前两位候选人﹐ 彭明敏及李登辉﹐ 就分别受教与二次大战前後的日本。 彭在他自由的滋味一书中还特别提及他在日本所享受到的平等待遇 甚且远过於在殖民地的台湾。 By 1921, a lot was happening in Taiwan also. The special powers granted to the colonial administrators were taken back and Taiwan fell under the rule of the Diet. The people of Taiwan immediately petitioned for the right to participate in democracy and elect their own representatives to that Diet. 台湾到了1921已发生了不少事。殖民地总督所享有的特权已被撤消而由国会接管。 台湾人民立即陈情以期参与民主政治并选举他们自己的国会代表。 The magazine Taiwanese Youth promoting Taiwanese consciousness and awareness would be published in Japan. While officially banned in Taiwan, it and the ideas discussed at the universities were filtering back to the colony. In 1925 the people witnessed that universal suffrage was granted to all males in Japan, to commoners as well as to the wealthy and property owners. This raised the question, why not here in Taiwan. 以促进台湾意识与自觉的台湾青年杂志就是在日本发行的。 虽然在台湾被禁﹐ 这本杂志以及在大学里被大家谈论的观点﹐仍然辗转传回台湾。 1925年人们亲眼目睹到﹐ 无论贵贱﹐全日本的男子都被授予参政权。 这也让台湾人开始要问﹐ 何以台湾不能﹖ Don’t be mistaken, Japan’s attitude toward Taiwan was that of colonial masters. The Japanese like the British, French, and other colonial powers saw a threat in too much colonial participation. Taiwan’s representation in the Diet did not come easy. Petitions were repeatedly rejected (over 15 times); some petitioners were briefly jailed as troublemakers and others were harassed. The courts and laws, however, protected them and those jailed were soon set free. At the same time, the newly formed Taiwan Cultural Association (1921) would offer programs throughout Taiwan educating the people on culture and rights. 我们当然不能错认﹐ 日本在当时还是以一副殖民主子的心态对待台湾。 日本人﹐就如英法及其它殖民强权国家一样﹐ 把殖民地过度的参与政治视为威胁。 台湾好不容易才终於得以派出国会代表。 人民的请愿不断的被驳回﹐ 次数甚至超过15次﹐请愿者有的受人骚扰﹐ 有的还被当成捣蛋分子﹐ 遭了短期牢狱之灾。然而法庭与法律仍然有对他们加以保护﹐ 即使被关坐监也很快被放出来。 当时(1921) 初创的台湾文化协会也在全岛到处教导人民各种有关文化及人权之事。 Democracy in Japan would not survive the economic troubles and military power struggles of the 1930’s. The samurai militarists would gain control and Japan would enter and lose World War II. The roots of democracy, however, had gone deep enough so that after the war it was possible for Japan to quickly reestablish a functioning democracy again in less than ten years. This time the power of the Emperor as well as that of the militarists would be removed from the equation. 日本的民主在1930年代因面临经济困难与军队争权而瓦解。 军国主义当道﹐ 日本发动二次大战之後战败。 然而民主立基已深﹐战败後不到十年内﹐ 日本就能很快的重新建立一个功能具备的民主体系。 这一回﹐ 天皇及军队都被剔除在权力范围之外。 For the Taiwanese the fruit of their efforts came too late. Finally in 1945 prior to the end of World War II, the people achieved representation in the Diet. No sooner would they gain but they would lose. After the war, Taiwan would be put under the KMT the rulers of the Republic of China. It was back to square one, except that these “rescuing” invaders would prove to be far more brutal than the Japanese. Taiwan would have to struggle again. 可惜对台湾人而言﹐ 他们努力的结果来得太迟。 迟至1945年二次大战结束前﹐他们才终於可以派代表去国会。 好不容易争取来的权利转眼又烟消云散。 二次大战後﹐ 台湾遭受中华民国国民党的管辖。一切又得从头开始﹐ 只不过这一回﹐ 这些自称来“解救”的入侵者可比日本人残暴多了。 台湾只能再从头奋斗起。 Some have falsely tried to justify the KMT’s stranglehold of martial law (until 1987) by saying that the Taiwanese were not ready for democracy. The opposite could not be truer. Taiwan was more than ready for democracy in 1945; it was the oppressive, one party Leninist KMT that was not. 有人替国民党施行到1987才结束的戒严令做不当的辩护说﹐ 台湾人当时对参与民主政治还未有准备。 其实真相根本就与此说相反。 台湾早在1945就准备好进行民主政治了﹔ 反而是压制人民一党专政列宁式的国民党才根本没有准备。 The KMT would use the excuse of 2-28 to systematically kill off many of the Taiwanese intelligentsia who had been schooled in hard knocks democracy under the Japanese. Again like in Shanghai the KMT gained lists of names. They carefully noted any leaders who came forth to express the people’s grievances. Those involved were either killed or imprisoned and tortured in the following period of white terror. By the time the Kaohsiung Incident took place in 1979, the people knew well that democracy always has a price. 国民党以228为藉口﹐有系统的杀戮台湾受教於日本难能可贵民主制度的高级知识分子。 就如同其在上海所行﹐ 国民党到处搜取名单。 任何代表人民前来投诉冤情的领袖都一一被记录下来。 参与的人﹐ 不是被杀﹐就是被逮﹐ 或在後来的白色恐怖时期遭刑求折磨。 等到1979年高雄事件发生﹐人民早就明白若要民主就得付出代价。 One cannot deny that the KMT has made positive contributions to Taiwan and one cannot tar all the KMT with the same brush. Not all accepted the Leninist justification for their control but their silence whether intentional or not gave it sanction. The failure still of any admission and action as to how much of KMT party assets really belong to the people of Taiwan is an example of such continued silence. So also is the continued silence on all who were singled out to be killed or silenced in 2-28 and the white terror. The ghosts of the past do not disappear simply because one is silent. 我们不能否认国民党对台湾也有正面的贡献﹐ 更不应该一竿子打翻一船人﹐把所有国民党员都视为一丘之貉。 党为其所施控制所做的列宁式的辩解﹐并不能让所有的党员都能接受﹐ 可是他们有意无意的沉默﹐反而都变成了在为国民党背书。 就拿他们到现在还不肯承认并采取行动来解决还党产於民一事来说吧﹐ 这就是活生生的”继续保持沉默“的一个好例子。 至於对在228及白色恐怖期间遭杀害或消音的受害者继续保持沉默之事﹐ 就更不用谈了。 已逝阴魂并不会因你的沉默而就消失不见的。 For many in the KMT, it is a bitter pill to swallow to have to admit that they were not the ones that brought democracy to Taiwan. It is a bitter pill for the Leninists among them to admit that while giving lip service to democracy, in practice for over 40 years they did the opposite and would have to learn the meaning of democracy from the Taiwanese who in turn had learned it from the Japanese. 就像难以咽下的苦药一样,很多国民党员无法接受他们并不是为台湾带来民主的人。 尤其是其中的列宁派﹐在过去超过40年期间﹐ 他们一向装腔作势光在嘴上讲民主,骨子里却根本是另一套相反的作法﹐ 现在不得不向台湾人来学习民主真谛﹐ 而台湾人居然是从日本人那里学来这一套的﹐ 要这些家伙承认这一点﹐ 简直是要他们的老命。 There are many in the KMT and spin-off People’s First Party (PFP) and New Party (NP) who will go to their graves choking on this pill. This is evident by the fact that these parties have yet to offer concrete positive programs and demonstrate a consciousness of the people of Taiwan. They continue to see things only in terms of one party rule, winner take all and complain about the loss of their mainland "entitlement", doubly lost because of what had happened to them in 1949 on the mainland. 不少在国亲新党的人至死都对此无法瞑目,无法接受这个事实。 这也是为什么这些政党到现在为止都还无法为台湾人民带来任何具体健全的计划﹐ 更显示不出什麽自觉的迹象。 他们始终只能由一党专政的观点来衡量事情﹐ 要嘛就要通吃﹐ 不然就抱怨大陆人失去的既得利益﹐ 如果把他们在1949年丢了大陆的事也一起算进来﹐等於是连输了两次。 Across the Strait the victorious other oppressive Leninist one party government still rules. The people there have no democratic experience or history to draw on like in Taiwan. Sun Yat-sen’s brief republic of 1911 is still used in propaganda to justify the ruling power’s position and image. The people suffer (albeit in ignorance) a lack of suffrage, a free press and information and therefore free choice. The People’s Republic of China is a regime that has no sympathy, toleration or appreciation for Taiwan’s long road to democracy. 海峡对岸﹐ 当年赢的另一方﹐至今还在掌权﹐ 同样也是个列宁式一党专政的政府。 那边的人民不像台湾有民主经验或历史可恃。 孙逸仙在1911所建立的短期共和国仍被政府拿来作为执政的样板与图腾。 人民(纵然无知)无参政权﹐ 没有自由的新闻报导或资讯﹐ 更无自由选择的权利。 中华人民共和国政权对台湾追求民主的长路漫漫﹐ 绝对是一点也不同情更无从体会。 And as for Japan, well Taiwan owes it a lot more than Hello Kitty. 至於日本呢﹐ 台湾欠它的绝对不仅止於凯蒂猫而已。 -- 拨乱反正、清新思维，先从「与媒体对抗」开始 http://www.socialforce.org --

※ 发信站: 批踢踢实业坊(ptt.cc) ◆ From: 218.166.90.33 译者STONE修改声名： 第五段﹕ “。。。 台湾人什麽警告都有﹐ 一觉醒来才发现自己就像个爹不疼娘不爱的拖油瓶﹐ 已经跟着澎湖及辽东半岛一起被丢出去以飨战胜的日本人。。。” 应该是 “。。。台湾人什麽警告都没有﹐ 一觉醒来才发现自己就像个爹不疼娘不爱 的拖油瓶﹐已经跟着澎湖及辽东半岛一起被丢出去以飨战胜的日本人。。。” ※ 编辑: bluesimon 来自: 218.166.90.107 (11/26 10:32)