大略翻译了概念. 这是个外国媒体写的. 大致上还算中肯 比起我们的多数媒体 明明就在自己国家里面 怎麽做出来的报导差这麽多. 内容涵盖了大概的因素 从世代困境到经济政治乃至媒体/思想/未来看法等报导 翻译有误欢迎版友补充纠正. 很多报导内容我没有仔细去一一考究 例如民调/薪资等调查, 欢迎来打脸内容. 翻译假定报导内容数据正确(我个人观感符合) 原文网址 : http://ppt.cc/R2jJ Piror to the dramatic occupation of Taiwan's legislature by students on March 18, young Taiwanese in their 20s had either been dubbed the "strawberry generation" -- supposedly fragile and squishy -- or the "22K generation," named for the meager monthly salary of 22,000 Taiwan dollars, or $730, that university graduates can expect to make. Those two rather unflattering labels summed up the reality many young Taiwanese faced: Generally speaking, their parents had furnished them with a solid education and material comfort in an age of relative abundance. But Taiwanese youth are entering the workforce at a crossroads for the island's economy and a time of economic hardship for young people around the globe, and their anxiety is starting to show. Few could have predicted that these lowly paid softies harbored so much energy. Hundreds of them rushed into the Legislative Yuan, the island's legislature, on March 18 and paralyzed it for almost three weeks, while thousands more sat on the streets outside, singing songs, making speeches, and shouting slogans, all in protest of a trade deal with mainland China that the ruling Kuomintang party, or KMT, tried to pass in the legislature without discussing the pact item by item. Following a compromise by the legislature's speaker -- but no promise for withdrawal of the pact -- students announced on April 7 that they would leave the legislature before the week's end. But as this episode of student activism draws to an apparent end, the intergenerational conversation about Taiwan's uncertain political and economic future is only beginning. <莓族的怒吼> 3/18台湾学生占领国会，粉碎了"草莓族"标签。大学生受了良好的教育，毕业後却是22K 的就业环境，面对这经济困境，年轻人的不爽已经开始发酵了，3/18占领立法院只是开端 。3/18数百名学生占领了立法院，瘫痪国会将近3个礼拜，立法院外围静坐的数千名学生 或是静坐，或是唱歌，或是演讲，并且呼喊着诉求「退回服贸、立法审查」，之後获得了 立法院长承诺「先立法，再审查」。学生宣布4/7退出立法院，这事件可以视为两世代对 於台湾未来不确定的经济以及政治对话的开端。 The political assertiveness and relative economic impotence of young Taiwanese is proving a combustible mixture. Chen Po-Chih, a Taiwanese economist and former government advisor, pointed out in a 2010 book, Unspoken Secrets of ECFA (the acronym is a framework economic agreement with China), that Taiwan's young people had entered an age of "low employment, low wages, and low achievement." According to a government survey, average unemployment rates were 13.8 percent among 20 to 24 year olds and 7.1 percent among 25-29 year olds in 2013, much higher than the island's total average of 4.2 percent. Even for those young people with jobs, prospects aren't bright. The average monthly salary for 20 to 24 year olds in 2013 was only $806, or about half of the total average. About 88 percent of young Taiwanese under 30 make less than $1,330 per month. According to a recent survey conducted by BusinessToday, a Taiwanese magazine, 62.9 percent of young people in Taiwan believed that they will be worse off than their parents, 61.5 percent thought their future was "hopeless" or "very hopeless," and 82.2 percent said they did not think problems like high housing prices and low salaries would improve within the next five years. <低就业 低薪资 低成就，灭绝希望的未来> 政治以及经济资源被「大人们」垄断，年轻人可怜的失业率： 20~24岁 13.8%，平均薪资 $806 (NTD 约 24K) 25~29岁 7.1%， 全国失业率 4.2%， 30岁以下年轻人 88% 月收入少於 $1330 (NTD 约 40K) 对於就业环境的民调，62.9%觉得未来只会更糟，61.5%觉得未来没有希望，82.2%觉得高 房价，低薪资，在未来5年内不会有改善了。 If Taiwan's Gen-Y cannot take pride in the island's stagnant economy, they have found empowerment in its democratic society. Unlike their parents and grandparents, who have lived under one-party rule in Taiwan, this generation of young people grew up with freedom of expression, rule of law, separation of powers, and legitimate -- if sometimes rambunctious -- elections. They are also more likely than their elders to have little or no direct ties to mainland China and to have studied "de-Sinicized" textbooks that separated Taiwan's history from mainland China's. One survey conducted in February 2014 indicated that 68.5 percent of young Taiwanese between the ages of 20 and 29 (who number 3.2 million) desired eventual independence for Taiwan, and 82.7 percent opposed eventual unification with China. <台湾意识抬头 民主主义发酵> 台湾Y世代的年轻人，不像爸妈以上被国民党威权统治过，拥有较强烈的自由意识以及民 主程序的概念。「去中国化」的概念在年轻人身上远比「大人们」更为强烈。根据2014民 调20~29岁 (320万人) 民众有 68.5%赞成台湾是独立自主国家，82.7% 反对台湾与大陆统 一。 But economic reality, however unfavorable, must be acknowledged. Taiwan is a highly export-dependent economy, with China taking up a full one-third of its exports. Taiwan is a highly export-dependent economy, with China taking up a full one-third of its exports. The Taiwanese populace has long converted to the gospel of free trade, rarely questioning the primacy of economic growth. The protesting students have to convince some parents, corporate bosses, government officials, economic experts, and other guardians of the economy that they do not fear global competition. Protesting students have written open letters to their parents and organized press conferences called "Mom and dad, please listen to me." One young woman who joined the protest has tried to support herself after her parents cut off financial support in response. <经济困局 出口导向的台湾，中国占台湾1/3出口量> 台湾的经济命脉以出口为主，而中国占了1/3的出口贸易量。2010年订了ECFA(两岸经济合 作架构协议) 条例，抗议学生针对这打着自由贸易大旗的协定，提出了实质经济以及政治 疑问，抗议学生们必须要说服政府官员、爸爸妈妈、产业专业人士，以及经济学家，这个 服贸条约是有问题的，为此一位被家庭断炊的学生甚至发出了名为「爸爸妈妈，请听我说 」的公开信。 Differences in information consumption habits have also driven a generational divide. On PTT, a BBS forum popular with Taiwan students, some of the most heated discussions center on how to communicate with skeptical "grown-ups" who are averse to new media. One complained that a glance on Facebook, Taiwan's social network of choice, makes it seem the anti-trade agreement crowd has the upper hand, but when he gets home he has found that his family thinks "that the students were just messing things up." Another admitted that he had "given up talking to mom and dad" because they only read traditional media outlets. One user wrote that he tried to convince his father by "telling him what he liked to hear" first -- saying the students were being used by pro-independence politicians -- then gradually introducing anti-trade agreement websites and materials to him. <资讯不对等 看法大不同> 年轻人接受到资讯的方式已经从传统的报章杂志/广播/电视台，转移到网路上的 PTT/Facebook，这也是媒体新革命。「大人们」持续地被传统媒体喂养资讯，因此年轻人 与爸妈一辈对於太阳花学运往往有截然不同的看法。年轻人试着说服父母亲电视看到的不 是真相，有的则已经放弃，「反正他们都不听」，有的网友甚至做出了教战守则，鼓励年 轻人去跟爸妈沟通。 It's revealing that the generation of Taiwanese that grew up living and breathing democracy has become so distrustful of the island's institutions that many among them decided the only way to ensure a better future is to disrupt legislative proceedings and the normal functions of the political process by occupying the legislature for weeks. But there's no debating that the island's politicians have taken notice of the youngsters' worries and demands. Legislative Yuan Speaker Wang Jin-pyng has promised that a new bill to provide legislative oversight on pacts with the mainland would be passed before the trade deal goes forward. The pro-status quo party has both the presidency and a majority in the legislature. But as protesting students and occupiers become regular voters, they may tilt Taiwan's political landscape toward the pro-independence camp. The Chinese government has so far said little about the upheaval over the trade pact, but likely looks upon such demographic trends with wariness. In time, Taiwan's strawberry generation may not need to occupy the legislature, express their views at the voting booth instead. <这不是结束 而是开始> 学运在王金平院长承诺「先立法，再审查」之後退潮，年轻人对於社会运作的关心种子也 正在萌芽，台湾意识抬头，台独议题发烫，中国大陆对於学运目前是冷处理。抗议始终要 回归体制内运作，年轻人可以不需要冲进立法院，而是改用投票方式表达他们的立场。未 来可以想见的是，人民对於社会运动的关注只会更多。 --

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